In reveille he is as contemptuous of "top down" approaches to social planning as he is of laissez-faire economic policies. The radical, he says, "will bitterly oppose complete federal control of education. He will fight for individual rights and against centralized power The radical is deeply interested in social planning but just as deeply suspicious of and antagonistic to any idea of plans which work from the top down. Democracy to him is working from the bottom." The portions of reveille dealing with Alinsky's views on American history are revealing in this regard. He expresses sympathy for Thomas Jefferson in his dispute with Alexander Hamilton, and cites Jefferson's dichotomy between "those who fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw all powers from them into the hands of the higher classes" and "those who identify themselves with. Alinsky had no patience for the weather Underground and other violent New Left groups.
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Any effective means is automatically judged by the opposition as being unethical. You do what you can with what you have reviews and clothe it with moral garments. Goals must be phrased in general terms like "Liberty, equality, fraternity "Of the common Welfare "Pursuit of Happiness" or "Bread and peace." The general idea here is that purity about tactics is a luxury that only the already powerful can afford; that doesn't mean anything. A bogus list of "rules to create a social state" allegedly written by Alinsky has made the rounds since barack Obama became president, including things like "poverty — increase the poverty level as high as possible, poor people are easier to control." needless to say. 4) Was Alinsky a communist? Conservatives aren't wrong that Alinsky was solidly on the left of the American political spectrum. The section of reveille for Radicals defining what the term "radical" meant to Alinsky lays out some more specific beliefs: The radical believes that all peoples should have a high standard of food, housing, and health The radical places human rights far above property rights. He is for universal, free public education and recognizes this as fundamental to the democratic way of life the radical believes completely in real equality of opportunity for all peoples regardless of race, color, or creed. He insists on full employment for economic security but is just as insistent that man's work should not only provide economic security but also be such as to satisfy the creative desires within all men. In the next chapter he adds, "Radicals hope for a future where the means of economic production will be owned by all of the people instead of just a comparative handful." But it's important not to mistake statements like these for endorsements of soviet-style central.
For example, on 5, Alinsky notes, "It is almost impossible to counterattack ridicule. Also it infuriates the opposition, who then react to your advantage." Alinsky additionally lists 11 rules of "means and ends One's concern with the ethics of means and ends varies inversely with one's personal interest in the issue. The judgment of the ethics of means is dependent upon the political position of those sitting in judgment. In war, the end justifies almost any means. Judgment must be made in the context of the times in which the action occurred and not from any other chronological vantage point. Concern with ethics increases with the number of means available and vice versa. The less important the end to be desired, the more one can afford to engage in ethical evaluations of means. The ethics of means and ends is that generally success or failure is a general mighty determinant of ethics. The morality of a means depends upon whether the means is being employed at a time of imminent defeat or imminent victory.
A good tactic is one that your people enjoy. A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag. Keep the pressure. The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself. The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition. If you push a negative hard and deep enough it will break through into its counterside. The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative. Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize. Most of these are elaborated upon in more detail in the book.
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Over here, if youre a have-not, youre short of dough. If youre a have-not in hell, youre short of virtue. Once i get into florida hell, Ill start organizing the have-nots over there. Alinsky: Theyre my kind of people. 3) What did Alinsky actually believe?
Rules for Radicals was Alinsky's last book, completed the year before his death, and it laid out his organizing philosophy in detail. Its centerpiece is a list of rules of "power tactics meant as basic guidelines for organizers and community activists: Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have. Never go outside the experience of your people. Wherever possible go outside of the experience of the enemy. Make the enemy live up to their own book of rules. Ridicule is man's most potent weapon.
He offered her an organizing job, which she declined in favor of going to yale law School, but they stayed in touch afterwards, as the recently revealed letters confirmed. David Brock — then a prominent conservative journalist, now a key clinton ally — examined Clinton's ties to Alinsky in some depth in his 1996 biography of her, The seduction of Hillary rodham. He memorably dubbed her "Alinsky's daughter." The late conservative writer Barbara Olson began each chapter of her 1999 book on Clinton, hell to pay, with a" from Alinsky, and argued that his strategic theories directly influenced her behavior during her husband's presidency. The conspiracy theories were supercharged when Clinton asked Wellesley to seal her thesis for the duration of her husband's presidency, which it did. In 2001, access was restored; you can read the thesis through interlibrary loan with Wellesley, at the wellesley library directly, or on any number of websites to which it's been passed around. As Barack Obama's candidacy gained strength, and (eventually) defeated Clinton's, attention shifted to his ties to Alinsky — or, more precisely, to Alinsky-trained organizers.
In September 2008, rudy giuliani attacked him for being "educated in the saul Alinsky methods." Once Obama took office, then-Fox host Glenn Beck started incorporating Alinsky into his grand theories about the leftist origins of President Obama's policies. See, for instance: he was hardly the only conservative host to invoke alinsky to explain Obama; Monica Crowley, bill o'reilly, and Rush Limbaugh also began bringing up Alinsky, with the latter asking, "Has Obama ever had an original idea — by that, i mean something. Has he simply had an idea not found in saul Alinsky's Rules for Radicals?" The late Andrew Breitbart also promoted the idea that Alinsky laid the blueprint for Obama's presidency, notably attacking the president for appearing on a panel after a play about Alinsky. Before long the criticism spread to presidential candidates like newt Gingrich, who declared that "Saul Alinsky radicalism is the heart of Obama." Rudy giuliani actually attacked Gingrich during the election on Alinsky-related grounds, saying of Gingrich's attacks on Mitt Romney's business record, "I expect this. Alinsky: Hell would be heaven for. All my life ive been with the have-nots.
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In recent years, however, he's emerged as a central figure in conservative fears about thesis the true beliefs of Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. 2) How did Alinsky become a preferred villain of the right? (The david Horowitz Freedom Center alinsky never identified as a socialist or Communist, but he was a self-professed radical, and a man of the left. The difference between leftism and liberalism is often elided thesis in American political discussion, but it matters. The fact that Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama both seriously engaged with his ideas — and that Clinton knew him personally — makes it possible to connect them with an American political tradition well to the left of the mainline, democratic-party liberalism. The first wave of conservative criticism of Alinsky, and anxiety over the influence he may have had over Democratic politicians, occurred during the Clinton administration, when Hillary Clinton first rose to prominence. Clinton wrote her senior thesis about Alinsky, interviewing him in the process.
He created the back of the yards neighborhood council, a group bringing together unions, religious leaders, and other stakeholders in that area. At its first meeting, Alinsky biographer Sanford Horwitt lined writes, the council passed resolutions calling for a new recreation facility, for child nutrition and disease prevention programs, and to ask the Armour meatpacking company to compromise with the nascent meatpackers' union. The council took on a permanent role in the community, and still exists. Alinsky then scaled up his model: he formed the. Industrial Areas foundation, a still-extant group that helps local groups like the back of the yards council organize and conducts trainings for organizers-to-be. Iaf helped spread Alinsky's tactics far beyond Chicago. The community service Organization, an iaf offshoot organizing Mexican-Americans in Los Angeles, launched the careers of Cesar Chavez and Dolores huerta. The documentary, the democratic Promise: saul Alinsky his Legacy is on in full, and serves as an excellent introduction to his work and thinking: Alinsky was perhaps best known outside Chicago for his writings, including his first book, reveille for Radicals, first published. Rules for Radicals, which was published shortly before his 1972 death.
building community and power miller writes. "Issues are simply tools for the building process.". One of Alinsky's insights was to realize how many stakeholders there were to organize. He saw that the same grievances connected ordinary citizens, labor unions, churches, small businesses, and more — and if you could somehow get all those groups together, they were almost unstoppable. And he did get them together. Alinsky didn't just theorize about organizing. He was, himself, an organizer. . A criminologist by training, Alinsky lived in Chicago, and began his work in the back of the yards neighborhood in the 1930s.
Again, the crowd booed. The rapturous response carson got was understandable given villainous reputation Alinsky has earned by now in certain conservative circles. But for the vast majority of people who've never heard of Alinsky, the speech was baffling. So: who is this guy, and why does he matter? 1) owl Who is saul Alinsky? Saul Alinsky with future san Francisco mayor Willie brown, then a state assemblyman, in 1969. (Jane tester/The denver Post via getty Images). Saul Alinsky is the father of community organizing. In a, dissent piece, veteran organizer mike miller"d a young Barack Obama giving a quite good definition of the core ideas behind community organizing: Organizing begins with the premise that (1) the problems facing inner-city communities do not result from a lack of effective.
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On the second night of the 2016 Republican Convention, primetime speaker Ben Carson warned attendees and viewers of the worst thing about Hillary Clinton: her ties to famed community organizer saul Alinsky. "One of the things that I have learned about Hillary Clinton is that one of her heroes, her mentors, was database saul Alinsky carson declared as the crowd booed. "Her senior thesis was about saul Alinsky this was someone she greatly admired and that affected all of her philosophy subsequently." And why is this bad? Well, carson explained (erroneously alinsky dedicated his book. Rules for Radicals to none other than Satan himself! "This is a nation where our Pledge of Allegiance says we are one nation under god. This is a nation were every coin in our pocket and every bill in our wallets says 'In god we trust.' so, are we willing to elect someone as president who has, as their role model, somebody who acknowledges Lucifer?" Carson asked.